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Your account is not active. We have sent an email to the address you provided with an activation link. Check your inbox, and click on the link to activate your account. These rare and beautiful vintage photos of Native American girls were taken between the late s and the turn of the 19th Century, yet despite being over a hundred years old, many of the old photos are still in mint condition. Women were well respected in traditional Native American tribe culture, and although they generally had different roles from men, the Native American women often had the same rights as their male counterparts. They usually owned the home along with everything in it, and in some tribes, while the chief was a man, it was the women who were responsible for electing him. Scroll down below to check these beautiful old photos for yourself!

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Joan lives with 16 relatives on a small raft of bamboo poles and scavenged wood, tied to a broken cement pylon, bobbing behind a row of steel shipping vessels docked in Manila's fish port - a patchwork of spaces no larger than two king-size mattresses.

Two of her sisters' babies and a kitten nap on a pile of rumpled sheets against a particle board barrier to keep them from falling into the murky, gray water. Sisters Joan left and Jossa Garcia rightboth teen mothers, are seen in their home in the Navotas fish port with their children, Angela and JM, respectively.

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Like Joan, her older sisters had babies when they were young and left school before they graduated. No woman close to her has ever had a good job. Her mother occasionally finds a day of work cleaning mussels on the concrete floor of the fish port.

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Her father brings in some money doing odd jobs at the port. The family is often hungry and thirsty, and survives by begging sailors for food and water.

Yet the current government wants to see changes. The government now believes that the country's birthrate of 2. So after decades of policies that limited access to contraception informed by a Catholic ethos to procreate, government agencies are now acting with a new urgency to bring the birthrate down. If households have fewer children, Perez said, it will improve the family members' chances of getting out of the mire of poverty.

Yet the reproductive health laws in the Philippines - aimed at stemming population growth - are yet to have that impact. And the people who suffer are the urban poor.

Risa Hontiveros knows the limits of the laws, the complexity of the issue and the danger of losing hope. The work of improving access to birth control, Hontiveros said, "were passed on to us by those who came before us, they struggled, and they fought.

They won some, and they lost probably more, but they passed on to us better situations that they started out with. Joy Villanueva dropped out of high school when she got pregnant at 14, in seventh grade.

Her boyfriend, four years older, wooed her with afternoons out, buying her fried quail eggs on a stick and paying for rounds on the karaoke machine at a local hangout. Joy Villanueva, 15, holds her baby. The slums where her family lived had burned down; they hope to build a new shack to replace the home they lost.

He was tall and handsome, and she liked that he did chores around the house and washed the dishes for his mother.

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Soon she was living with him. For her boyfriend, getting Joy pregnant was a mark of ownership. Joy resisted, but he persuaded her to have sex. By the time she gave birth, he was in jail for theft, and she was raising the baby with help from his mother.

The day we met, the three of them were living together in a makeshift home of little more than a tarp supported by planks of wood - they had set it up after their slum had burned down a week before. At 15, Joy dreamed of finishing high school, going to college and becoming a police officer.

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That was what her late father wanted for her when she was a little girl. She said that any day now, she'll move in with her mother, who will take care of the baby while she goes to class. Joy Villanueva said she hopes to fulfill her father's dream for her and becoming a police officer - but later admitted that's an impossible dream for a poor teenage mom.

If Joy is able to complete her schooling, she said she wants to own a big house made of concrete with air conditioning and glass windows. She wants to have a nanny to take care of her kids so she can wake up every morning, check her uniform in the mirror and go to work. For 20 minutes, she told me about her plans for the future. But when I said a word of encouragement, Joy went silent, looked away and shook her head.

Hindi nashe said. I can't anymore. It was a game of pretend.

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She shifted Ashley in her arms. Joy confessed that her mother has disowned her. So she can't go to live with her. Her husband's mother earns just enough to feed her and the baby.

There's no money for notebooks or uniforms or college. They're trying to gather enough materials to build a shack so they don't have to continue living under a tarp.

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Girls like Joy are classified among the poor, a vast category that encompasses 20 percent of Filipinos. Among teenage mothers of all income brackets, the poorest girls are the least likely to be able to finish their high school education after having their first child. Likhaan's clinic is a mile and a half down the road from where Joy lives. The organization advocates for reproductive health and fills the gap in services the government does not provide, like formal sex education, ready access to free contraception like IUDs and birth control implants.

Diane Vere, a community coordinator, leads workshops for teenagers from the surrounding slums.

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The topic is sex. Inevitably, when Vere turns to the page in the photo workbook that shows an array of penis sizes and shapes, the teenagers break into peals of laughter. They cover their eyes and hide behind one another. Vere fields their questions: Why are some bigger than others? Why is that one crooked? She shows them an uncircumcised penis and tries to dispel the myth that a boy in this condition is dirty or incapable of impregnating women.

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Before the reproductive health law, there was no formal sex education in the Philippines, and to this day, the rollout remains patchy, fraught and very limited.

Teenagers cobble together information based on what their parents ventured to tell them, sermons from priests and whispers from one another, often gleaned from the Internet or old wives' tales. Was it true, the girls at the clinic class asked, that if you wash your face with a girl's first menstruation, it prevents pimples? If a girl jumps from the third step of a ladder, would her period only last three days?

Does masturbating make boys taller? Can you get pregnant if you have sex only once? While the teenagers were fascinated with the practicalities and hygiene of sex and puberty, they struggled to discuss the process of conception. Bring up the difficulties and cost of raising a child, Vere said, and the teenagers would shut down or quickly change the subject.

Teachers often did not fare better. Some teachers had to be excused from a recent training because they couldn't control their laughter when frank discussions about sexual organs came up. Every acceptable word in Tagalog to describe sex or private parts is a euphemism: peanut, flower, junior, eggplant.

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Teachers complain that every proper noun in this category is too vulgar to say out loud. With this combination of discomfort and lack of formal training on teaching sex, it is not surprising that 59 percent of Philippine educators said they had difficulty naming body parts, according to a survey by the United Nations Population Fund.

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In previous years, sex educators in schools preached abstinence, and anything beyond abstinence was limited to what the teachers knew. Often it didn't extend beyond basic science and was heavily inflected with religious and personal beliefs. Basiao-Abella said one teacher told her students that condoms were murderers because they killed sperm. She said a pastor told congregants that condoms spread AIDS, a mistaken belief reiterated by a sitting senator as recently as Scientifically proven," Sen.

Vicente Sotto III erroneously stated during a public argument with another politician.

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To address gaps in knowledge and uneven information, the Philippine education department is developing a comprehensive sexual education curriculum, which it had begun to roll out in the public school system before schools were closed by the pandemic lockdown.

Much like 's reproductive health law, the process of developing the curriculum has been embattled.

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Risa Hontiveros believes progress is coming, even if it's in fits and starts. Hontiveros, who sponsored one of the bills to prevent adolescent pregnancy and was at the forefront of the decadelong battle for the law, said the Catholic hierarchy continues to oppose legislation counter to its teaching but with "less of the stridency and less of the hostility than previously demonstrated. In one of Manila's poor neighborhoods, a midwife prays to her saint, Ina ng Awathe mother of pity or compassion.

The carved wood statue hanging on the wall of her home is oily and chipped from age.

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A string of dried-out jasmine flowers hang from one outstretched hand, and on the other, the saint cradles a baby. The midwife believes Ina ng Awa is the patron saint for the women who come to her asking for abortions.

In the Philippines, abortions are illegal in all cases. Perhaps more powerfully, abortion is considered a sin. The midwife understands all this yet will offer abortions.

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She asked that her name not be used for fear of arrest or reprisal. The women who come to her are too poor to raise another child or unwed and ashamed or so young, she said. She demonstrates her technique for massaging a woman's womb: a scooping motion to lift the uterus, then she grinds down with her fingers to crush the fetus, pressing into a woman's belly until her hands start to cramp.

She gathers bitter melon leaves from her garden, which she steeps into an acrid tea and tells the woman to drink. She says these methods usually will end a pregnancy. A Filipino abortionist holds up the flowers of the bitter gourd.

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Abortions are against the law in the Philippines, but some midwives and others will use bitter gourd - believed to cause a miscarriage when ingested - and other methods to terminate a pregnancy. If the woman was a few months pregnant, they bury the blood from the aborted fetus in the dirt. If she was five or six months along, they put the fetus in a box and bury it like a child.

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One year-old girl, who asked not to be named because of the stigma of abortion, took a handful of pills her mother bought from one of the illicit nighttime markets under the bridges and in the backlots of Manila. Her mother was told it was Cytotec, the abortion pill. When the girl started bleeding in clots, her mother rushed her to the hospital. She spent a week in the recovery ward, where she mostly slept and imagined herself "flying in the sky," unable to think about what she had done.

But three months later, she was grateful. Her boyfriend was her first love, until he started beating her.

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He locked her in his house to keep her from running away and yanked her back in when she tried to escape. Her mother had to rescue her. If she had the baby, she would never be rid of him. Walking through her crowded slum, she passes small children playing on mounds of torn plastic stained with leachate, the black sludge that seeps from the neighborhood's cottage industry of sorting through the city's trash.

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